QUIN DISCURS MÉS BRUTAL! GRAN, GRANDÍSSIMA SILVIA ORRIOLS

 

ENTREVISTA A SÍLVIA ORRIOLS A FET A ANDORRA (20.09.2026)

 

SHITTY JEW, SON OF A BITCH, per RUBÈN NOVOA

#Catalonia - ANTIFA called her Sílvia Orriols —@orriolsderipoll, a “shitty Jew, son of a bitch”.

Antisemitic abuse shouted at Catalan MP Sílvia Orriols on the eve of Catalonia’s National Day —under Palestinian flags, after a declared campaign to ban her from a public memorial

BARCELONA (Catalan National Day, 11/09/2026).— On the evening of 10 September 2026, at the Fossar de les Moreres — the square that marks the fallen defenders of Catalan Kingdom sovereignity in 1714 — a lawful floral offering by a party seated in the Catalan Parliament had to be ringed by riot police. Paint-filled eggs were thrown at the speaker. Stones and bottles followed her exit toward Pla de Palau. Three people were arrested. Officers were injured. That much is already in the Spanish and Catalan record.

What should now enter the international record is the insult that accompanied the Palestinian flags. Witnesses at the scene, including this correspondent, heard protesters shout at Sílvia Orriols — mayor of Ripoll, member of the Parliament of Catalonia, president of Aliança Catalana@ForeignOfficeAC — “jueva de merda, filla de puta”: “shitty Jew, son of a bitch.” Orriols is not Jewish. The slur did not need her to be. It needed a Jew to exist as a curse.

A memorial, a veto, a flag.

The Fossar is not a private chapel. For weeks, the antifa movement conglomerade: OJS, Arran, Endavant, Alerta Solidària, SEPC, Intersindical and COS advertised “antifascist unity” with one aim: keep Aliança Catalana out of the square. They failed to enter. Three to five hundred AC supporters held it first. Orriols arrived bandaged, was received as “presidenta,” spoke, and left under escort. Outside: Palestinian flags, “fascist rat,” praising terror organisations. Two infiltrators threw paint. The crowd that could not win the argument tried to win it with glass.

Her line that night was not an ethnic insult. It was a refusal: the loudspeaker the Catalan people gave her will not be snatched by “a handful of dropouts with Palestinian flags.” Hours earlier: the party does not go to Ithaca, Switzerland or Waterloo. It goes “straight to a free, prosperous, safe and Western Catalonia.” That last adjective is what the square could not forgive.

Not a slip of the tongue.

Catalonia’s far left has spent two years treating support for Israel as original sin. Orriols has been open about that support. Rahola, the other public Catalan voice that refused to recant, was doused in red paint by the same family. Both women filed complaints after threats that named “Zionists” who should “live in terror.”

When the same milieu then screams “Jew” at a woman who is not Jewish, the mechanism is older than the flag. “Zionist” is the licensed word. “Jew” is the ancestral one. Using it as a projectile against a Catalan mayor at a tomb of 1714 is not a critique of Netanyahu. It is the oldest European hatred, wearing a keffiyeh and calling itself antifascism. The people who shouted it spend their weeks calling everyone to their right a Nazi. They then reached for a word Nazis made industrial.

The silence that matters.

Salvador Illa, acting as president of the region (a former Health Minister of Pedro Sánchez during COVID crisis spoke the same evening of a Catalonia where “hatred has no place.” He did not name the party that needed umbrellas and a police corridor to leave a public square. He did not name the stones, the paint, or the word “Jew.” A government that studies hate-speech files against Orriols for talking about Maghrebi crime found no urgency in a crowd that used Jewishness as a weapon.

That asymmetry is now a diplomatic fact. Embassies in Madrid and Barcelona, the Israeli mission, Jewish organisations, and any capital that still claims a doctrine against antisemitism after 7 October can read the local press and file this as “another clash between independentists.” It was not. It was a test of whether a legal force that defends Western alignment, borders and Israel’s right to exist may commemorate its own dead without being hunted through the old city.

What should happen next.

The slur belongs in a hate-crime file, not in folklore. Audio and video exist. Witnesses exist. A democracy that prosecutes “hate” from a municipal lectern and looks away when it is screamed under a foreign flag is not applying the law. It is applying a caste.

Allies who still think in terms of the Mediterranean, jihadist pipelines and the American security umbrella should notice the signal. The networks that treat Israel as the enemy treat a Catalan party that refuses Islamist entryism as the enemy. When that liturgy is staged on National Day, in front of the police of a NATO country, it is no longer campus fashion. It is a governance problem.

Orriols will not leave the square. That is the only sentence the night settled. The grave of 1714 does not belong to those who brought Palestinian flags to spit “Jew” across it. It belongs to a people that lost a war and kept a language. Anyone who needs a Jew to insult that people has already told Europe who they are.

— Rubèn Novoa is parliamentary correspondent in Barcelona and author of

La Colònia. He was at the Fossar on 10 September 2026.

ORRIOLS AL THE NEW YORK TIMES....

Her Movement Used to Fight Fascism. Now It Fights Globalism.

28.08.2026

By Christopher Caldwell

A lot of politicians in Spain were disoriented this summer when more than 70,000 migrants overran the beachfront border that separates Morocco from the Spanish outpost of Ceuta. But not Sílvia Orriols. The mayor of Ripoll and a member of the Catalan regional legislature in Barcelona, she was on familiar ground: By fiercely opposing migration from North Africa, she has turned her small Catalan Alliance into one of the fastest-growing political parties in Europe, with the potential to disrupt Spanish politics on a much larger scale.

Ms. Orriols criticized the lack of an effective police presence in Ceuta and mocked the Spanish state’s priorities. She reminded her followers on X that in 2017, Catalonia’s attempt to stage a vote on independence from Spain led to a far more severe crackdown by the national police. “They beat Catalans with truncheons and fired rubber bullets at us for voting in a referendum,” she wrote. “Have you seen any truncheons or rubber bullets in Ceuta? It is urgent that we break with this state that allows repeated violations of its borders.”

In the stridency of her anti-immigration position, Ms. Orriols, 41, can sound like the staunchest kind of right-wing nationalist, a type familiar in European politics today. She wants a moratorium on immigration. She has called for deporting all immigrants who have broken the law in Catalonia, even those who have committed small crimes. She has campaigned to remove halal menus from public schools and argued that Islam is incompatible with Western values. She is the latest example of how anti-immigration fervor can galvanize voters in fast-changing societies.

But apart from her attitude toward migration, Ms. Orriols’s views are not particularly conservative. She has no objection to the constitutional innovations of the past century in women’s rights and gay rights. “I don’t believe in abortion,” she said when I interviewed her at Ripoll’s City Hall in June, “but I believe in the right to abortion.” She wears a cross but appears more comfortable talking about Catalonia’s Christian roots than about Christianity itself. Nor does she see herself or her party as wrapped up in any international movement of the right or in sympathy with other European parties.

This is not necessarily a contradiction. For most of the past century, the tradition that Ms. Orriols represents — Catalan nationalism — has been left-leaning, opposed to authoritarianism and associated with a cosmopolitan elite in Barcelona. Catalonia was a last redoubt of the second Spanish Republic against the military uprising of Gen. Francisco Franco, which triumphed with the backing of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in the late 1930s. Catalans chafed under his dictatorship for four decades, venerating their history of resistance and being venerated for it, thanks in large part to George Orwell’s “Homage to Catalonia.”

There is no question, however, that in her unwavering opposition to immigration, Ms. Orriols is fashioning a version of Catalan nationalism that is more populist, more rural and more confrontational. The people she represents are farmers and villagers in the Pyrenees, not professors and consultants in Barcelona. The main threat to the region, in her view, comes not from Madrid but from the Muslim world. She has shifted the question of Catalonia from one of political power to one of ethnic survival — and opened herself up to accusations of bigotry in the process.

Her outlook is built on familiar themes of culture and language. Catalonia’s history runs back to Charlemagne. Its language has less in common with Spanish than with the Occitan tongues of southern France. “Before Franco, 95 percent of the people spoke Catalan; with Franco, big waves of migration began,” Ms. Orriols said, referring to an influx of labor from poorer parts of Spain in the 1960s. “And now, thanks to immigration all over the world, we’re down to 30 percent — from 95 percent to 30 in less than a century.”

She added: “That’s our death knell as a nation. If we don’t reverse this, if we don’t manage to change this, our nation is dead.”

This message is gaining political momentum. Catalan Alliance took only 3.8 percent of the vote in regional elections in 2024, winning two seats in the regional assembly. But a June poll delivered a shock: It showed the party now has the backing of 15.1 percent of Catalans, enough for 25 seats if elections were held today — which would marginalize the region’s old center-right party, Junts, in the same way the National Front has done to the center-right Gaullists in neighboring France.

The political scientist Xavier Torrens, the author of a book on Ms. Orriols, told an interviewer for the Barcelona daily La Vanguardia that whereas Marine Le Pen had taken a “slow route” to power, Ms. Orriols and Catalan Alliance were more likely to take the “fast route.”

Many Spaniards have been shocked to see anti-immigration sentiment making such headway in progressive Catalonia. There may be a larger lesson here for the West. Immigration has helped bring a once-repudiated ex-president back to power in the United States, made nationalist parties the most popular in Germany and in France, driven Britain from the European Union and strengthened restrictive parties in Hungary and Poland. While Ms. Orriols’s magnetism and oratorical power have been indispensable to her success, her rise is further evidence that among electoral issues, limiting migration has a singular power to reshape politics and buoy up politicians, in any kind of society.

Ms. Orriols was born in 1984 in Vic, a city just south of Ripoll with a vast, picturesque plaza, and a meatpacking industry that has made it a magnet for immigrants. Today 30 percent of residents there are foreign born, and in 2022, more children had fathers born in Africa (35.1 percent) than fathers born in Spain (34.5 percent). Ripoll, which has a population of about 11,000, is also changing fast. There were few immigrants to speak of in its schools when Ms. Orriols was a student a quarter-century ago. Today immigrants account for 16 percent of Ripoll’s population and about 45 percent of its births.

Ms. Orriols read a lot of Catalan history in her youth and earned a library science degree in 2004. During our interview in Ripoll she described a political trajectory that took her from sympathy with the youth wing of the Republican Left of Catalonia (the present-day powerhouse of the nationalist left) to her present position.

In 2017, in her early 30s, she rallied to the movement for independence by referendum spearheaded by the Republican Left and the center-right party that would eventually become today’s Junts. The Spanish government deemed the referendum illegal. When the vote produced a low-turnout landslide and a Catalan declaration of independence, Madrid suspended parts of Catalonia’s autonomy and prepared sedition cases against the referendum organizers (many of whom were later convicted and sentenced). Ms. Orriols’s commitment to Catalan independence only intensified.

But something else happened in 2017 to affect Ms. Orriols’s nationalism. That August a group of young men carried out Spain’s worst terrorist attacks in more than a decade, including racing a van through Les Rambles, the iconic pedestrian street in Barcelona, killing 13 and wounding 130 others. The ringleader of the ISIS-linked plot turned out to be Abdelbaki Essati, a charismatic imam at Ripoll’s mosque who had recruited most of the plot’s operatives from young members of Ripoll’s Moroccan community. They spoke good Catalan and had struck their neighbors as well integrated.

Even today, Ms. Orriols’s social media accounts radiate an undiminished incredulity and rage. “A Moroccan tried to stab a 13-year-old girl to death,” she posted this month on X, referring to an assault in the Catalan town Puigcerdà allegedly by a North African man. “And yet there are still scoundrels who want to ‘welcome’ more of them.”

In May 2019, Ms. Orriols won a seat on the Ripoll City Council for the National Front of Catalonia, the name of an old party of the nationalist left. Her platform, however, was already so hostile to immigration that her rivals attacked her as a xenophobe and a rightist. The attacks hardly dented her popularity.

As late as the 1990s, Spain had little immigration to speak of. That changed with a vengeance. Starting the century with one of the lowest fertility rates in the world (1.2 children per woman) and roughly 40 million people, it now has close to 50 million, and about 10 million of these are foreign born. Most immigrants arrive from Latin America, sharing Spain’s language and its religious traditions.

Madrid, where many restaurant workers and gardeners hail from Central and South America, will remind urban Americans of the Clinton years. So will the booming economy. Spain’s gross domestic product is the fastest growing in Western Europe (though many economists doubt the boom is a boom at all, if one measures G.D.P. per capita). Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez offered permanent residence to hundreds of thousands of immigrants last winter; more than a million have applied.

But Catalonia’s experience with immigration has been different from — and more disruptive than — the rest of Spain’s. Like the rest of the country, Catalonia has seen its population bulk up, from six million in 2000 to more than eight million now. But there, Spanish is not the ancestral language. In addition, more foreign-born arrivals come from Morocco than from any Latin American country. Longtime residents, particularly in Barcelona, feel their culture is being drowned. It is a worry of long standing: When Catalonia experienced migration from poorer parts of Spain in the 1960s, it led to a rising linguistic assertiveness among Catalans.

The stimulative effect of immigration has also been less evident in Catalonia than in Madrid. Greater Madrid’s G.D.P. blew past Catalonia’s in 2019. And with less upside, the downsides of the surging population are felt more acutely. Alleging that Ripoll’s immigrant minority collects nearly half of the town’s welfare benefits, Ms. Orriols has tightened scrutiny of the municipal procedure by which people register for services and benefits, excluding those who cannot document their residence.

Many Catalans have been left confused: They traditionally thought of their nationalism as an exceptional one, an underdog’s allegiance — not provincial and jealous but open and idealistic. Even before Catalonia’s opposition to Franco, urban progressivism was part of its national identity. Generally, Catalans can accept that their nationalism is a matter of soil but prefer not to consider it a matter of blood. Or so it seems in Barcelona.

But like other polities dominated by one big, glamorous city, Catalonia is provincial practically everywhere else, and it is the countryside that is now the driving force of its nationalism. Ms. Orriols’s electoral stronghold is in what journalists often call the “fuet corridor,” after the dry sausage that mountain residents gnaw on. In Parliament, with her bootleg jeans and her Dr. Martens, a print top with a blazer thrown over it and a visible silver cross, she not only represents rural Catalonia; she embodies it.

She is blunt. “I will keep speaking clar i català, no matter how much they rebuke and fine me,” she posted on Instagram — “clar i català” being the Catalan equivalent of “plain English.” When I asked at the end of our interview whether there was anything that might help people understand her better, she replied, “Just this: The key to our electoral success is that we’ve abandoned the political correctness they imposed on us and adopted the language of the people.”

That language has raised alarms. In 2024, a foundation filed a hate-crime complaint against Ms. Orriols in Barcelona that cited her heated statements and the restrictions she imposed on municipal registration. Last year, in a parliamentary debate over a burkini ban that Ms. Orriols imposed on her town’s public swimming pool, the president of Catalonia, Salvador Illa, accused her of practicing a “discourse of hate.” In July, the Catalan Parliament reprimanded Ms. Orriols for having said that a veil-wearing member “normalizes misogyny and Islamic fundamentalism.”

But the accusations of racism and intolerance routinely lobbed her way seem to have been dulled by overuse. Except as cynical attempts to shut her up, the words mean nothing to her. “This is not racism,” she told Le Monde in the spring. “This is survival.” And on Instagram recently, she posted, “The only ‘extreme right’ that threatens our rights, liberties and lives is Islam.”

What truly discomfits more traditional Catalan nationalists, however, is not Ms. Orriols’s radicalism; it’s that her nationalism and her radicalism are inseparable. Immigration policies are the responsibility of Madrid, and she has stated unambiguously that her party has no interest in taking part in the Spanish government. So without independence, her hard-line anti-immigration posture is just idle talk. It makes sense only as part of what Catalan nationalism is becoming.

The nationalist torch was once carried by those who feared fascism. It’s now carried by those who fear globalism. And not just in Catalonia.

MANIFEST ORRIOLISTA per Ramon Cotarelo (8 de juny 2026)

Manifest Orriolista

8 de juny de 2026

Ramón Cotarelo

Actualització del començament del cèlebre Manifest Comunista de Karl Marx i Friedrich Engels, de febrer de 1848. El best-seller més gran del món, després de la Bíblia:

«Un fantasma recorre Catalunya – el fantasma de l’orriolisme. Tots els poders de la vella Catalunya s’han aliat en un cordó sanitari contra aquest fantasma, el virrei espanyol i l’exiliat de Waterloo, Junqueras «amoespaña» i la neocomunista Albiac, els periodistes venuts i els policies de la CUP».

Front tancat de totes les forces vives i mortes de Catalunya contra la batllessa de Ripoll, a qui pretenen silenciar i aïllar com si fos una leprosa a l’estil de l’Edat Mitjana. Orriols és objecte de tota mena d’atacs, retòrics, judicials, demagògics, difamadors, físicament violents. Per part de tots els centres de poder polític i mediàtic del país.

Difícil veure un cas semblant de fustigació i persecució d’una persona des del govern català, la presidència del Parlament, la partitocràcia nostrada, la premsa, la televisió i la ràdio del règim. I, per descomptat, la murga fripalestain finançada pels petrodòlares i els governs europeus. Coincidència total de gent molt diversa que només té en comú l’antiorriolisme com ara Jordi Borràs, Lluís Llach, Xavier Antich, Vicent Partal, Mònica Terribas, Ricard Ustrell, Jordi Basté, etc. Realment, un espectacle que recorda la conjunció de totes les instàncies espirituals i seculars, angleses, borgonyones i franceses contra Joana d’Arc al seu dia.

Tots ells saben que aquesta vergonyosa cacera és contraproduent, que aconsegueix el contrari del que pretén, que apuja la popularitat d’Orriols i les seves expectatives de vot. Però no poden fer una altra cosa, en part perquè qui els paga els ho exigeix ​​i en part perquè la batllessa de Ripoll els ha desposseït de les seves disfresses, ha desmentit els seus enganys i n’ha demostrat la corrupció moral.

Orriols té en contra tot l’establishment mediàtic català que, no només impedeix la seva presència i veu als mitjans, sinó que és una maquinària d’agressió tous azimuts contra una persona per raó de les seves idees, un infame atac ad feminam. Que aquí tothom presumeix de feminisme, però part de l’odi que suscita Orriols entre la pintoresca fauna de sipais de la colònia deriva de la seva condició de dona.

L’auge d’AC, que aquests conjurats proespanyols no poden evitar, s’ha aconseguit a les xarxes. AC és un partit nascut i criat al Twitter, i el seu triomf electoral serà la prova més contundent del poder de les xarxes davant de la maquinària corrupta dels mitjans tradicionals.

El programa d’AC és una proposta senzilla, clara, breu, com si ho haguessin redactat a l’uníson Occam i Gracián: Independència, estat català democràtic, control de la immigració, lluita contra la islamització i govern honrat.

- Publicitat -

El vot per Orriols és un vot per la independència de Catalunya.

L’únic.

SÍLVIA ORRIOLS A LA CATALUNYA WOKE, GAUDIU-LA!

 

SÍLVIA ORRIOLS A RÀDIO 4, MOOOLT GRAN

 https://rneaudio.rtve.es/a/17050746

Moolt gran! N'ha dit moltes, però potser la frase més genial és quan acusa de blanquejar el PSOE, quan es denuncia el perill de l'entesa entre el PP i VOX. En d'altres paraules: PSOE, PP I VOX són iguals d'espanyols i, en conseqüència, anti-catalans o catalanòfobs.

Una altra frase genial ha estat que cal alliberar la Franja de Ponent de l'Aragó. Brutal... I així, moltes.

SÍLVIA ORRIOLS I MORI EL DRAC!

 

Un discurs brutal, emotiu, engrescador i que deixa processistes i espanyolistes a l'alçada del betum. Proposo la creació, si no existeix encara, de l'Orde Militar de Sant Jordi (o pels no catòlics, de Caçadors de Dracs) format pels que jurin lleialtat militar a la República Catalana.

UNA DONA, NOVA PRIMERA MINISTRE DEL QUEBEC..... A VEURE SI CATALUNYA SEGUEIX L'EXEMPLE MÉS D'HORA QUE TARD!

 

CHRISTINE FRÉCHETTE, nova Primera Ministra del Quebec

SÍLVIA ORRIOLS, futura immediata Primera Ministra de Catalunya!

19 ABRIL: INAUGURACIÓ LOCAL D'ALIANÇA CATALANA A VILANOVA I LA GELTRÚ, AMB LA PRESÈNCIA DE SÍLVIA ORRIOLS!

 Us hi espero!

LE LABORATOIRE CATALAN DE LA DROITE IDENTITAIRE

 29 mars 2026

Dans ses pages internationales, « Le Monde » décrit l’irruption d’Alliance catalane comme celle d’un petit parti séparatiste devenu, en quelques mois, un véritable aiguillon islamophobe pour toute la scène politique catalane. Le quotidien parisien souligne comment cette formation, présidée par la députée Silvia Orriols, a fait de la dénonciation de « l’immigration » son unique carburant électoral, transformant chaque séance parlementaire en procès permanent de la gauche indépendantiste accusée de « trahir » la nation catalane.

Un discours d’exclusion assumé

Selon « Le Monde », la rhétorique d’Alliance catalane coche toutes les cases du national‑populisme européen: obsession migratoire, vocabulaire de la « menace » civilisationnelle, désignation des musulmans comme boucs émissaires commodes d’un malaise social profond. Silvia Orriols cible tour à tour la Gauche républicaine de Catalogne, accusée « d’encourager l’importation de semi‑esclaves », et le gouvernement espagnol, soupçonné d’organiser l’« invasion » de travailleurs étrangers. Cette radicalité verbale lui vaut une attention médiatique disproportionnée par rapport à son poids parlementaire, mais c’est précisément ce déséquilibre qui lui permet d’imposer ses thèmes à l’agenda.

Le politologue Xavier Torrens, cité par « Le Monde », résume la situation d’une phrase glaçante: aujourd’hui, ce qui rapporte le plus de voix, c’est « le vote anti‑immigration ». Pour lui, Alliance catalane offre un débouché politique à des militants déçus par l’indépendantisme classique, fatigués des querelles de stratégie mais sensibles à la promesse d’un retour à l’ordre identitaire. Ce déplacement du centre de gravité, du projet d’État propre vers la chasse à l’« étranger », illustre la mutation d’une partie du séparatisme en nationalisme ethnique.

Une sociologie électorale révélatrice

Le reportage du Monde montre qu’Alliance catalane prospère surtout dans des territoires périphériques, petites villes et zones rurales où l’arrivée récente de travailleurs immigrés bouscule un tissu social déjà fragilisé par la désindustrialisation et la crise du logement. Loin de Barcelone, la formation de Silvia Orriols apparaît comme la voix de ceux qui se sentent oubliés par la métropole, méprisés par les partis traditionnels et noyés dans un récit indépendantiste qui ne parle plus de leurs factures mais d’idéaux abstraits.

Le parti joue habilement sur ce sentiment de déclassement: il oppose les « Catalans de souche » à une figure fantasmée de l’« envahisseur » musulman, tout en dénonçant l’« élite » indépendantiste accusée de pactiser avec Madrid et Bruxelles. Dans ce schéma, les migrants deviennent l’écran sur lequel se projettent frustrations sociales, colère économique et ressentiment territorial, ce qui permet à Alliance catalane d’agréger un électorat composite, du petit entrepreneur aux salariés précaires, sous la bannière d’un même ressentiment.

Le tournant identitaire du séparatisme

Pour « Le Monde », la progression d’Alliance catalane marque un tournant: l’indépendantisme catalan, jadis porté par un discours civique et inclusif, se voit concurrencé par une offre politique qui assume la hiérarchie des appartenances et la fermeture culturelle. Cette droitisation s’inscrit dans un contexte plus large, où la fatigue du « procès » de 2017, la répression judiciaire et les compromis institutionnels ont laissé un goût amer chez de nombreux militants.

Au lieu d’un projet collectif centré sur les droits et les institutions, Alliance catalane propose une revanche sociale et identitaire, avec un ennemi clairement désigné: le musulman, l’immigré, l’« autre ». Le risque, souligne le quotidien français, est que les grands partis indépendantistes, obsédés par la peur de perdre encore du terrain, se laissent aspirer par cette spirale xénophobe en durcissant leur propre discours migratoire.

Ce que cela dit de l’Europe – et de nous

Vu depuis la Suisse romande, le cas catalan résonne étrangement familier. La mécanique décrite par « Le Monde » – sentiment de trahison des élites, colère périphérique, obsession identitaire – est la même qui alimente, chez nous aussi, les succès électoraux des formations qui vivent de la peur de l’« autre ». La Catalogne joue ici le rôle de laboratoire: ce qui s’expérimente aujourd’hui dans les vallées pyrénéennes ou les petites villes industrielles pourrait très bien se décliner demain dans les vallées alpines ou les périphéries lémaniques, avec un vocabulaire légèrement adapté mais la même architecture de ressentiment.

L’enjeu, pour les forces progressistes comme pour les indépendantistes sincèrement démocrates, est de ne pas laisser le terrain social et sécuritaire aux entrepreneurs de haine. Tant que la précarité, la crise du logement et les services publics en berne resteront gérés par des éléments de langage plutôt que par des politiques concrètes, les Silvia Orriols d’Europe auront beau jeu de désigner des coupables et de gagner des voix sur le dos des plus vulnérables – migrants compris.

En Catalogne, Alliance catalane, une formation séparatiste et islamophobe, bouscule le jeu politique (Le Monde, 28.03.2026)

. https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2026/03/28/en-catalogne-alliance-catalane-une-formation-separatiste-et-islamophobe-bouscule-le-jeu-politique_6674994_3210.html

Sílvia Orriols i Ramon Abad, 

Portée par sa dirigeante Silvia Orriols, la petite formation indépendantiste a imposé en deux ans ses thèmes, immigration et insécurité, au cœur du débat catalan. Dans un contexte de reflux de l’élan séparatiste, son ascension rapide redessine les équilibres politiques, de Barcelone à Madrid.

Par Isabelle Piquer (Barcelone, envoyée spéciale)

Per llegir l'article sencer, cal estar abonat a Le Monde (JS)

SALVADOR ILLA, EL IANUKÒVITX CATALÀ

Salvador Illa no és res més que el Ianukòvitx català. Com aquest a Ucraïna, Illa acabarà foragitat pel poble català, i ben probablement es refugirà en algun lloc de les espanyes, Madrid amb molta seguretat. 

Hem de fer tot el possible perquè aquest individu deixi vacant el Palau de la Generalitat i que el poble, liderat per la Sílvia Orriols declari unilateralment la independència per a garantir el benestar de Catalunya i la fi del seu procés, a hores d'ara imparable, de tercermondialització. I amb ell, tota la morralla processista, espanyolista, la del 155 i la del 250. No podem perdre més temps.

Som-hi!

SÍLVIA ORRIOLS DESTROSSA USTRELL A CATALUNYA RÀDIO (10.3.2026)

LA TERCERMUNDIALITZACIÓ DE LA CATALUNYA AUTONÒMICA, BORBÒNICA, SOCIATA,......

Processista, erky, comuna, cuparra, en definitiva, bruta, pobra, criminal, marginal, desgraciada, tot el pitjor que ens podem imaginar. 

Només amb la Sílvia Orriols com a Presidenta podrem capgirar aquest drama. Endavant!

NEF AMB LA SÍLVIA ORRIOLS (17.02.2026)

 

El Confidencial revela un pacte secret PSC-Junts per frenar Sílvia Orriols (E-notícies, 12.2.2026)

Un nou sistema electoral de circumscripció única perjudicaria les expectatives d'Aliança Catalana

12/02/2026 

Els partits de l'establishment polític a Catalunya fa dos anys que ho intenten tot desesperadament per frenar el creixement imparable d'Aliança Catalana. El PSC i Junts se les tenen cada dos per tres al Parlament, però s'entenen per anar contra el partit antiimmigració. Segons revela El Confidencial, socialistes i juntaires estarien negociant una reforma electoral per tallar les ales a Sílvia Orriols.

Totes les alarmes van saltar el mes de novembre passat amb una enquesta de La Vanguardia que deixava Sílvia Orriols a només dos escons de Junts. Altres sondejos han confirmat després l'acostament i fins i tot el sorpasso d'Aliança Catalana al partit de Carles Puigdemont.

Tot i que el creixement d'Aliança Catalana afecta sobretot Junts, la preocupació és compartida per la resta de l'esquerra i el processisme, des del PSC i els Comuns fins a ERC i la CUP. Aprofitant aquesta unió de forces, i que Catalunya és l'única regió d'Espanya sense una llei electoral pròpia, els socialistes haurien temptat Junts amb un sistema electoral de circumscripció única.

Per què el PSC vol canviar el sistema electoral

Les eleccions a Catalunya es regeixen pel sistema electoral espanyol, basat en la província com a circumscripció i la correcció proporcional. És a dir, que el vot a les províncies menys poblades té un pes més gran que el vot a les zones amb més densitat. El cas més significatiu és el de Lleida, que rep set diputats més dels que li correspondrien en un sistema de circumscripció única.

Girona rep tres diputats més que el seu pes real, i Tarragona també tres més. Són en total tretze diputats, gairebé un 10% del Parlament, que reben de més les zones menys poblades de Catalunya. Tot i que demogràficament Barcelona creix més ràpid que Lleida, un 9% davant d'un 6% l'últim any, un diputat a Barcelona costa 27.000 vots mentre que a Lleida en necessita només 11.200.

Una nova llei que instaurés el sistema de circumscripció única faria que tots els vots valgessin el mateix. Això perjudicaria les expectatives de vot d'Aliança Catalana, que té més dificultats per créixer a les zones més poblades.

Dels 20 escons que li dona l'últim CEO, almenys cinc, els tres de Lleida i els dos de Girona, es beneficiarien del sistema proporcional actual. És clar que el nou sistema perjudicaria Aliança Catalana. Però no és tan clar que interessi també Junts.

Junts no ho té tan clar

El PSC necessita dos terços de la cambra, 90 diputats, per aprovar la circumscripció electoral única. A la majoria de 68 diputats amb ERC i Comuns hauria de sumar altres 22 diputats. La qual cosa requereix comptar amb el suport de Junts, o sumar els suports de PP i Vox.

El problema és que si bé el sistema de circumscripció única frenaria el creixement de Vox al Parlament, també perjudicaria Junts. Els convergents s'han beneficiat tradicionalment d'aquest sistema perquè han tingut molt vot a la Catalunya interior. Just al contrari que PSC, ERC o Comuns, que en tenir molt vot a Barcelona s'han vist perjudicats.

Junts sempre ha recelat de la circumscripció única perquè equilibraria la balança amb ERC, el seu competidor natural. Però l'amenaça nova que representa l'orriolisme canvia les coses. D'aquí que el PSC hagi intensificat la seva ofensiva per convèncer Waterloo.

ORRIOLS SOBRE LA NOVA LLEI DE CULTURA CATALANA (BRUTAAAL)

 

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